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India as Peacemaker at the UN
India’s legacy relationship with Russia and its links with the European Union made it a messenger of peace rather than as a party to the conflict.
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Prime Minister Modi with Ukraine President Volodymr Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin. / PIB
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address to the UN General Assembly this year has special significance as this is his first visit to the UN after he assumed the office of the Prime Minister of India for his third consecutive term. Moreover, this is a critical time in world affairs when the global order created in the aftermath of WWII with the UN at the center of it has all but disappeared.
Today, the UN is in no position to ensure international peace and security not just because vetoes prevent any effective action by it, but also because certain permanent members have begun to weaponize veto to pursue their own interests by waging wars against other member states, by shielding aggressive action or to prevent collective action at the time of a pandemic for fear of exposing their possible culpability of creating the virus or to continue their unsustainable lifestyles. The building blocks of an equitable and just alternative global order have to be created here and now.
India, under PM Narendra Modi has been engaged in an effort to foster international cooperation for development, disarmament and environment even while struggling to ensure prosperity for its own people. Peace is a prerequisite for development, but the world of today is ravaged by wars in different regions. Therefore, PM Modi will not only present the Indian story to the United Nations, but also his efforts to build peace, a role that India has played right from its independence.
The nonaligned movement, which was the biggest peace movement in the world still has relevance in promoting the needs of the Global South. Sadly, it is the developing world, which takes the brunt of the suffering caused by conflicts, wherever they occur. Technology has made the world more accessible and its fruits have benefitted the developing world, but it has also increased inequality and dangers of misuse.
The G 20 summit in New Delhi restructured multilateralism in various ways by enlarging its membership and multiplying the fora for intensive discussion with wider participation than the Security Council without the fear of veto. The entire African Union was admitted as members of G 20. It was the only international forum which was able to create a consensus statement on the Russia-Ukraine war. Many more issues of importance to the international community were discussed and consensus achieved on many of them.
PM Modi will have an opportunity to present the outcome of the G 20 summit to the General Assembly to pave the way for some of the existing multilateral groups to act as venues for discussion even as the reform of the UN moves at snail’s pace. Groups like G 20 may be able to contribute to global peace when the Security Council is incapacitated because of its unsatisfactory composition and its decision- making mechanism.
It was during G 20 that India once again resumed its peacemaking role because of our policy of being on the side of peace rather than be on either of the combatants of the Russia-Ukraine war. India’s legacy relationship with Russia and its links with the European Union made it a messenger of peace rather than as a party to the conflict. While Russia was pleased that India did not condemn it and the opposite side realized India’s potential as a peacemaker might be useful to them.
Although India is averse to mediation and prefers bilateral negotiations to resolve disputes, PM Modi decided to try whether his unique position in the world today would be able to promote a solution. He was not unaware of the pitfalls in the process when there was not even a ceasefire in place and both sides were expecting a military victory. His visit to Moscow was in the nature of traditional exchanges at the highest level, particularly after he won a third term as Prime Minister. President Putin promised nothing except to fight against terrorism and his bombing of children in Kiev at the time of the Indian visit was most unfortunate.
PM Modi’s visit to Ukraine was most unexpected and when the news of the visit was leaked, many doubts were raised and he was advised not to undertake the visit as it would be seen as appeasing the US and NATO. Also, there was no expectation that even a ceasefire could be accomplished. Zelenskyy made it very clear that the mission was futile and challenged the import of Russian oil and busting of sanctions. He bluntly said that he wanted friends to be on his side as the victim of aggression rather than on the side of a nebulous peace initiative.
He suggested Indian activism in a peace conference, but immediately disqualified India for technical reasons. Hugs and words of consolation did not impress him as he was fighting with his back to the wall. He would have loved to receive some ammunition rather than words of advice from anyone. PM Modi understood the situation very well and accepted the compliments from the US and NATO for his gesture.
PM Modi has nothing to report to the UN by way of suggesting solutions and the military situation is very precarious. Neither side exercised any restraint to mark the visit of the Indian Prime Minister and, if anything, more killings took place during and after the visit because that was the time when Ukraine was in possession of a vast piece of Russian land. But India was seen in its customary role of pleading for concessions from both sides and nudging them to peace and tranquility.
Traditionally, we have advocated moderation even when we were committed to a position of support to one side of a conflict. The Buddha and Gandhiji are still part of India’s soft power and that should not be abandoned.
The author is a Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, Vienna and Governor for India of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
(The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of New India Abroad.)
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